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that this Apologia has been, printed not only in Latin, as slated in the article referred to, but also in Greek (Rome, 1577), and in modern Greek, with a Latin version (Rome, 4to. 1628). Nicolaus Comnenus cites a work of Joannes Plusiadenus, Antirrheticum Secundum contra MarcumEpliesinum. (Allatius, Graec. Orthod. l.c.,w\& Vol.1.; .Cave, Hist. Litt. vol. ii., Appendix, by Wharton, pp. 151, 167; Fabric. Biblioth. Graec., vol. v. p. 60, vol. xi. p. 458 ; Oudin, Commentar. de Scriptor. Ec-vles. vol. iii. col. 2422.) . 14. Of sicily. [studita.]

15. studita. [studita.]

16. Of thessalonica. [studita.] . 17. Of Tiberias. {See No. 12.] [J. C. M.]

JOSEPHUS, FLA'VIUS (*\d€ios 'Icy'<nj7ros), the Jewish historian, son of Matthias, is celebrated not only as a writer, but also as a warrior and a statesman. He is himself our main authority for the events of his life, a circumstance obviously not without its drawbacks, especially as he is by no means averse to self-laudation. He was born at Jerusalem in a. d. 37, the first year of Caligula's reign, and the fourth after our Lord's ascension. His advantages of birth were very considerable, for on his mother's side he was descended from the Asmonaean princes, while from his father he inhe­rited the priestly office, and belonged to the first of the 24 courses. (Gomp. 1 Chron. 24.) For these facts he appeals (Vit. 1) to public records, and intimates that there were detractors who en­deavoured to disparage his claims of high descent. (Comp. Phot. Bill. pp. 167, 168.) He enjoyed, as we may well suppose, an excellent education, and exhibited great proofs of diligence and talent in his boyhood, insomuch that, even in his four-•teenth year, he was resorted to by chief priests and other eminent men who wished for information on recondite questions of the Jewish law. Nor was his attention confined to such studies ; for St. Jerome (the most learned perhaps of the fathers), referring especially to his treatise against Apion, expresses astonishment at the extent of his ac­quaintance with Greek literature. (Hieron. ad Magn. Orat. Epist. 83.) At the age of 16 he set himself to examine the merits arid pretensions of the chief Jewish sects, with the view of making a .selection from among them ; and if in this there was much self-confidence, there was also, at this time of his life at least, no little earnestness in his struggle to grasp the truth, for we find him three years in the desert, under the teaching of one Banus, and following his example of rigorous asceticism. At the end of this period he returned to Jerusalem, and adhered to the sect of the Pha­risees, whom he speaks of aa closely resembling the Stoics. (Ant. xiii. 5. § 9, xviii. 2, Bell. Jud. ii. 8, Vit. 2.) When he was 26 years old he went to Rome to plead the cause of some Jewish priests whom Felix, the procurator of Judaea, had sent thither as prisoners on some trivial charge. After a narrow escape from death by shipwreck, he was .picked,up by a vessel of Cyrene, and safely landed at Puteoli; and .being introduced to Poppaea by an actor named Aliturus, he not only effected the release of his friends, but received great presents from the empress. ( Vit. 3.) By some it has been thought that the shipwreck alluded to was the same of which we have an account in Acts xxvii., that Josephus. and St, Paul were therefore fellow-passengers during part of the voyage, and travelled


from Puteoli to Rome in company, and that the apostle was himself one of the persons on whose behalf Josephus undertook the journey. (Ottius, Spicileg. ex Josepho, pp. 336—338; Bp. Gray's Connection of Sacred and Classical Literature, vol. i. p. 357, &c.) Such a notion, however, rests on no grounds but pure fancy, and the points of differ­ence between the two events are too numerous to admit of mention, and too obvious to require it. The hypothesis, moreover, clearly involves the question of the religion of Josephus, which will be considered below. On his return to Jerusalem he found the mass of his countrymen eagerly bent on a revolt from Rome, from which he used his best endeavours to dissuade them ; but failing in this, he professed, with the other leading men, to enter into the popular designs. After the retreat of cestius gall us from Jerusalem, Josephus was chosen one of the generals of the Jews, and was sent to manage affairs in Galilee, having instruc­tions from the Sanhedrim to persuade the seditious in that province to lay down their arms, arid to entrust them to the keeping of the Jewish rulers. ( Vit. 4—7, Bell. Jud. ii. 20. § 4.) It would carry us beyond our limits, to enter into the details of his government in Galilee, which he appears, however, to have conducted throughout with consummate prudence and ability. From the Romans until the arrival of Vespasian, he did not experience much annoyance ; and such efforts as they made against him .he easily repelled: meanwhile, he took care to discipline the Galilaeans, and to fortify their prin­cipal towns. ( Vit. 4, &c., 24, 43, Bell. Jud. ii. 20, iii. 4, 6.) His chief troubles and dangers, from which, on more than one occasion, he narrowly escaped with life, arose from the envy and machi­nations of his enemies among his own countrymen, and in particular of John of Gischala, who was supported by a strong and unscrupulous party in the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem. But Josephus had won by his administration the warm affections of the Galilaeans ; and this, combined with hi& own presence of mind and ability in counter-plotting, enabled him to baffle effectually the attempts of his opponents. (Vit. 13—66, Bell. Jud. ii. 20, 21.) The appearance of Vespasian and his army in Galilee spread terror far and wide, so that all but a few deserted the camp of Josephus at Garis ; and he, having -no hope of the success of the war, with­drew to Tiberias, to be as far as he could from the reach of danger. (Bell. Jud. iii. 6, Vit. 74.) Thence he sent letters to the Sanhedrim, giving an ac­count of the state of things, and impressing on them the necessity of either capitulating or supplying him with forces sufficient to make head against the Romans. He had no hope himself that anything could be done against the power of Rome, but something like a sense of honour -seems to have restrained him from abandoning, without a struggle, the national cause ; and accordingly, when Vespa­sian advanced on lotapata (the most strongly forti­fied of the Galilaean cities), Josephus threw him­self into it, inspired the inhabitants with courage, animated and directed their counsels, and defended the place for 47 days with no less ability than valour. lotapata, however, \yas at length taken, its fall being, precipitated by the treachery of a deserter ; and Josephus, having escaped the general massacre, concealed himself, with 40 others, in a cave. His place of refuge being betrayed to the Romans by a woman, Vespasian sent several messengers,

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